Saturday, December 26, 2015

Officials react to diplomat's statement about "Kosovo in UN"


"Serbia respects the policy of the United States, but has its own policy," Prieme Minister Aleksandar Vucic said on Friday.
Source: Tanjug
(Tanjug, file)
(Tanjug, file)
He in this way reacted to U.S. ambassador to Serbia's statement that "Kosovo should join the UN as part of normalization process" - something that, according to the Serbian prime minister, is "never easy to read."
"All I can say this morning is that it is not easy for us as a small country to provide an answer to what (Michael) Kirby has said, all I can say and respond to that I is - Serbia has its own policy. We respect the policy of the United States, they are the world's superpower, but we have a policy and stick to our policy," said Vucic.

He added that Kirby's stance does not come as "particularly big news" since the United States recognized Kosovo in 2008 - however, it is something "we never find easy to read," said to Vucic.

Reacting to the same statement made by the U.S. diplomat, Serbian Foreign Minister Ivica Dacic on Friday said, "Serbia, of course, will not support Kosovo's membership in international organizations that would mean legalization of the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo, including in the United Nations."

Dacic said that dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina is "status neutral," and reminded that the U.S. and Serbia have "a different view of the issue of the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo" - which, he added "could also be seen when Kosovo's request to join UNESCO was considered."

Dacic, however, pointed out that "as the ambassador said himself, there are also differences on this issue between the United States and the European Union, where five countries have not recognized the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo."

"Serbia will not change its principled policy, with full commitment to dialogue as the only way to resolve all outstanding issues," he has been quoted as saying in a statement issued by the Serbian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Russian Welcome for Turkey's Kurdish Leader Turns Up Heat on Erdogan

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Co-Leader of Peoples' Democratic Party of Turkey Selahattin Demirtas meet in Moscow

© Sputnik/ Alexey Kudenko
World

The invitation from Moscow to Turkey's pro-Kurdish leader Selahattin Demirtas is a demonstration of Russia's belief in the Kurds as a vital ally in the fight against Daesh, writes the German press.

Moscow's invitation to Selahattin Demirtas, leader of the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), is a challenge to the Turkish government, which seeks the political marginalization of the Kurds in Turkey, wrote German Economic News (DWN) on Friday. "Demirtas is the first influential politician from Turkey to travel to Russia since the Turkish air force shot a Russian fighter jet at the Syrian border on November 24," wrote DWN, which also remarked on the reaction to his visit from Turkey's government.
On Tuesday Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu accused the HDP of "treason" because Demirtas called the downing of Russia's Su-24 bomber a mistake during a meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov on Tuesday.
The HDP leader also remarked on the importance of maintaining dialogue between the two countries, which he said have a very important relationship.
"At the moment we are experiencing a worsening of Russian-Turkish relations, and in parallel, a time when we have to look for very important solutions in the Middle East. We are a political party which in our own country fights for pluralism. We attach a great deal of importance to Russian-Turkish relations, and it is a cause of sadness to us that a situation has occurred, as a result of which relations have soured," Demirtas told Lavrov at the meeting.
In turn, Russia's Foreign Minister told Demirtas that Moscow wants the cooperation of all parties who are committed to fighting terrorism.
"We know that among those who, weapons in hand, fight on the ground against the danger of Daesh, against extremist groups, are the Iraqi and Syrian Kurds," said Lavrov.
"They, together with the Iraqi and Syrian armies fight for their homes, for the right to live on their land. That is their inalienable right, like the right of Christians, Yazidis and other minorities to remain on the land of their ancestors and not be subjected to the lethal danger of terrorists." The meeting in Moscow between the politicians was a signal to Ankara of Kurdish power, and Russia's support for the Kurds, remarked DWN.
"Strengthening the Kurds would really be a problem for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan," wrote the newspaper. "A few days ago Demirtas signaled the wish to proclaim autonomy."
Prior to his Moscow visit, Demirtas announced his support for the idea of autonomy for the southeastern Anatolia region, where he said local people had "embraced autonomy" in opposition to "dictatorship" imposed from Ankara. The AKP held a snap election on November 1 after losing majority rule in the June election, largely thanks to gains by the HDP, which received 13.2 percent of the votes.
"They made a coup after June 7," said Demirtas.

Thursday, December 24, 2015

Albania Claims Deal Will Allow Low-Cost Flights



Officials claim they have reached an agreement with Tirana airport's shareholders to end their monopoly on international flights - but some experts are sceptical.

Fatjona Mejdini
BIRN
Albania

Albania officials says that they have reached an agreement with the shareholders in Tirana International Airport, TIA, to end its exclusive right to host international flights and build new airports that will host low-cost flights.

Tirana Airport | Photo: BIRN/ Ivana Dervishi

The centre-left government led by Edi Rama pledged in the 2013 election campaign to reconsider the concession with TIA shareholders and liberalize the market to open up the way for low-cost flights.Under a concession agreement signed in October 2004, TIA holds the right to manage Tirana's Mother Teresa airport for 20 years with a monopoly on all international flights to and from Albania.

The Minister of Economy, Arben Ahmetaj, told a meeting on Tuesday with tourist operators that they had agreed with TIA concession holders to end the monopoly on international flights and open the way for building airports in southern Albania that will carry low-cost flights.

"We have agreed with the TIA concession shareholders to liberalize international flights and we have concrete offers to build airports that will carry low costs flights from Vlora and Saranda [resorts in southern Albania]," Ahmetaj said.

He added that the agreement with TIA will soon be passed by the government and parliament, opening the way for lower flight taxes that will make tickets cheaper.

Some economic experts detect a lack of transparency in the agreement that the minister claims to have achieved with the TIA shareholders, led by AviAlliance company of Germany, however.

Zef Preci, director at the Albanian Center for Economic Research, told BIRN that the government has a duty to tell Albanians about the negotiations and the exact terms.

"If the minister claims he has found an agreement to end TIA's exclusivity in flights we have to know what the terms are," he said.

"It doesn't make sense for a foreign company to give up its revenue so easily. Citizens have a right to know the details of what is going on," Preci added.

Although Preci said the concession agreement with TIA is considered one of the best, since it had given the Tirana airport a new face, Albanian citizens have paid for it the hard way through expensive flight tickets.

He said that despite its promises this government has done nothing to liberate Albanian markets generally from monopolies, and no success had been reached in establishing free and fair competition.

Albania Claims Deal Will Allow Low-Cost Flights

Officials claim they have reached an agreement with Tirana airport's shareholders to end their monopoly on international flights - but some experts are sceptical.
Fatjona Mejdini
BIRN
Albania
Albania officials says that they have reached an agreement with the shareholders in Tirana International Airport, TIA, to end its exclusive right to host international flights and build new airports that will host low-cost flights.
Tirana Airport | Photo: BIRN/ Ivana Dervishi
The centre-left government led by Edi Rama pledged in the 2013 election campaign to reconsider the concession with TIA shareholders and liberalize the market to open up the way for low-cost flights.Under a concession agreement signed in October 2004, TIA holds the right to manage Tirana's Mother Teresa airport for 20 years with a monopoly on all international flights to and from Albania.
The Minister of Economy, Arben Ahmetaj, told a meeting on Tuesday with tourist operators that they had agreed with TIA concession holders to end the monopoly on international flights and open the way for building airports in southern Albania that will carry low-cost flights.
"We have agreed with the TIA concession shareholders to liberalize international flights and we have concrete offers to build airports that will carry low costs flights from Vlora and Saranda [resorts in southern Albania]," Ahmetaj said.
He added that the agreement with TIA will soon be passed by the government and parliament, opening the way for lower flight taxes that will make tickets cheaper.
Some economic experts detect a lack of transparency in the agreement that the minister claims to have achieved with the TIA shareholders, led by AviAlliance company of Germany, however.
Zef Preci, director at the Albanian Center for Economic Research, told BIRN that the government has a duty to tell Albanians about the negotiations and the exact terms.
"If the minister claims he has found an agreement to end TIA's exclusivity in flights we have to know what the terms are," he said.
"It doesn't make sense for a foreign company to give up its revenue so easily. Citizens have a right to know the details of what is going on," Preci added.
Although Preci said the concession agreement with TIA is considered one of the best, since it had given the Tirana airport a new face, Albanian citizens have paid for it the hard way through expensive flight tickets.
He said that despite its promises this government has done nothing to liberate Albanian markets generally from monopolies, and no success had been reached in establishing free and fair competition.
- See more at: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-aims-to-liberalize-international-flights-12-23-2015#sthash.a4F5isrS.dpuf

Merry Christmas and Happy New year 2016

Wednesday, December 23, 2015

Albania NGO Lists Rama's Broken Promises



Using what it calls a 'truth-meter', the Mjaft Movement has concluded that Edi Rama's government has fully met only a few of its election-time promises.

Fatjona Mejdini
BIRN
Albania

 
Albania Council of Ministers

Albania's centre-left government has fully met only four of its 27 electoral promises after two-and-a-half years in power, an NGO has claimed.

While presenting what it called it "truth-meter" Mjaft representatives noted - among others - that the government had failed to open 300,000 new workplaces as it had pledged.

"In those two years, based on official statistics, it is estimated that they created around 40,000 new workplaces," Aldo Merkoci, from NGO Mjaft said.

The report noted that Rama government also failed to retake control of assets that had been considered wrongly privatized, or get rid of monopolies in the economy.

Mjaft also considered the promise to carry out judicial reform unfulfilled. It also noted the failure to take strong measures against those deemed corrupt in the previous government.

Election promises considered "fully met" according to the Mjaft "truth-meter" relate mainly to the work on normalizing the energy system.

Other election pledges fell into the category of partially fulfilled promises.

Health reform, the fight against organized crime and narcotics, educational reform and some others are considered partially met.

Rama's Socialist Party took power with a large coalition of parties in June 2013 with the promise of giving the country a much-needed new start.
- See more at: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-government-failed-to-meet-the-promises-12-22-2015#sthash.5sUpzYhv.dpuf

Albania NGO Lists Rama's Broken Promises

Using what it calls a 'truth-meter', the Mjaft Movement has concluded that Edi Rama's government has fully met only a few of its election-time promises. 
Fatjona Mejdini
BIRN
Albania

Albania Council of Ministers 
Albania's centre-left government has fully met only four of its 27 electoral promises after two-and-a-half years in power, an NGO has claimed.
While presenting what it called it "truth-meter" Mjaft representatives noted - among others - that the government had failed to open 300,000 new workplaces as it had pledged.
"In those two years, based on official statistics, it is estimated that they created around 40,000 new workplaces," Aldo Merkoci, from NGO Mjaft said.
The report noted that Rama government also failed to retake control of assets that had been considered wrongly privatized, or get rid of monopolies in the economy.
Mjaft also considered the promise to carry out judicial reform unfulfilled. It also noted the failure to take strong measures against those deemed corrupt in the previous government.
Election promises considered "fully met" according to the Mjaft "truth-meter" relate mainly to the work on normalizing the energy system.
Other election pledges fell into the category of partially fulfilled promises.
Health reform, the fight against organized crime and narcotics, educational reform and some others are considered partially met.
Rama's Socialist Party took power with a large coalition of parties in June 2013 with the promise of giving the country a much-needed new start.
- See more at: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/albania-government-failed-to-meet-the-promises-12-22-2015#sthash.5sUpzYhv.dpuf

Tuesday, December 22, 2015

Albania: Ambassador Lu's Watch List



Fron Nahzi Headshot


Posted:

 
LINK 
As a driving force behind Albania's judicial reforms, US Ambassador Donald Lu recently told a room full of judges that they were divided into two groups: those "who do their jobs honorably" and those "who are terribly corrupt." "If you look down now at your wrist and you have a watch that costs more than my car, you are probably a corrupt judge," he said. "I encourage you to leave this profession immediately. You may also be put in jail soon." Frustrated with Albania's leadership to combat corruption, the US has shifted its policies from backing strong leaders to strong laws, a welcome change many Albanians and internationals have been waiting for some time.
Twenty five years ago US Secretary of State James Baker became the first senior US official to visit Albania. Baker was welcomed with open arms by more than 300,000 Albanians; they lined the streets and literally kissed the car of their believed savior. After fifty years of harsh communist rule, most Albanians had lost confidence in their leaders and looked towards the West, in particular the United States, to do the one thing Albanians had never been able to do: hold their elected leaders accountable.
Unfortunately, the Americans and Europeans were more interested in preventing the Yugoslav conflict from spreading than in supporting good governance in Albania. Consequently, they looked the other way as the newly elected Democratic Party led by Sali Berisha took over the judiciary (which it still holds influence over today), muzzled the independent media, fired professors based on their political allegiance, took public-private partnerships to mean that elected officials get their cut, and used photo opportunities with US and European leaders as proof of western support for their style of rule.
Over the next 25 years, power has shifted between the country's two leading parties, the Socialists and the Democrats, while the parliament became a den of thieves. The Americans and Europeans called on each successive Albanian government to stop the corruption and political cronyism. Each successive government ignored the call. Many elected officials that went into public service with a Timex and modest apartment, came out sporting Cartier, Gucci, and villas in elite gated communities.
How did Albania become a kleptocracy? Some foreigners blame Albania's rundown civil society and the media for failing to hold the country's elected officials to account. Albanians blame American and European leaders for supporting their corrupt officials. A corrupt leader is a formidable opponent; a corrupt leader backed by Western powers is a Goliath. Albanians point to Sali Berisha, who, for many years, was the favorite son of the United States and Europe. They also point to Ilir Meta, current chairman of parliament and head of LSI, the ruling Socialist's coalition partner, who, during his earlier time as Berisha's coalition partner, was caught on video demanding kickbacks.
Not anymore, says US Ambassador Lu. Corruption will no longer be tolerated, at least not by the United States, which banned public officials implicated in corruption from qualifying for a US visa. Lu and the EU pushed the Albanian government and opposition party to adopt a law that prohibits individuals with criminal convictions from holding public office. Together with his European partners, is now tackling the biggest challenge to Albania's development: depoliticizing the country's judicial system. The proposed reforms would limit the role of politics in judicial appointments, oblige judges to disclose the source of their wealth, and strengthen the power of the General Prosecutor to investigate and prosecute corrupt judges.
What makes this new shift in policy by Washington unique is their support of institutions over individuals and the free rein they have given their ambassador to hold public officials accountable...publicly. With what appears to be genuine disregard for how Lu's open accusations position the embassy or influence his own alliances with political leaders, Lu's bullying-of-bullies are nothing short of refreshing. Unlike his two predecessors who had the impossible task of working with a strong headed Prime Minister Berisha, Lu has found a willing partner in Prime Minister Edi Rama. Rama has waged war on corruption by allowing citizens to anonymously record bribes on the government's online anti-corruption portal, cleaning up the police force, putting an end to fiscal evasion, and enforcing payment of electricity bills.
When asked by a journalist how he proposed to fight such widespread and embedded corruption, Ambassador Lu replied: "Corruption does not need to be fought by those who created it. Don't let the politicians control the anti-corruption initiative." When asked in a follow-up question who would do the fighting, Lu said: "You! And 3 million other Albanian citizens."
Twenty-five years ago, the Albanians that lined the streets to welcome Baker held signs that read: "Welcome, Mr. Baker. Albania has been waiting for you for 50 years." If US policy manages to transform the Albanian judiciary, Albanians may tweet: "Ambassador Lu, we have been waiting for you for 25 years."
Fron Nahzi specializes in international development. The views expressed here are his own.

One Hundred Years of Competition: History of Russo-Turkish Relations


© AP Photo/ Burhan Ozbilici
Politics

To those who know Russian history, Ankara's hostile move in Syria has come as no surprise: over the past hundred years Turkey and Russia have been involved in a longstanding geopolitical competition.

Incredible as it may seem it was Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany who urged Sultan Mehmed V of Turkey to unleash a "Holy War" (Jihad) against the Russian Empire, Britain and France during the First World War (1914-1918). On November 14, 1914, Mehmed V declared Jihad against the enemies of the German Reich and the Ottoman Empire.
Besides religious matters, the Ottoman Empire had certain geopolitical interests in gaining control over Russia's Caucasus, the Central Asian and the Volga regions.
Interestingly enough, the Turkish spiritual emissaries made every effort to engage Russian Muslims in the "jihad" against the Russian Empire, but largely in vain. Turkish pan-Islamists had been repeatedly spotted in the Caucasus on the eve of the First World War promoting the anti-Russian sentiment. They also tried to convince the Russian Tartar population to take the side of the Ottoman Empire.
The German leadership in its turn also added fuel to the fire by launching an ideological propaganda campaign and publishing "El-Jihad" newspaper. The outlet addressed Russian Tatars POWs and urged them to join Kaiser Wilhelm II, the self-proclaimed protector of all Muslims.
However, only 1,500 of almost 50,000 Russian Tatar POWs enlisted in German diversionary battalions.
Meanwhile, Enver Pasha, the Minister of War of the Ottoman Empire, developed an ambitious plan aimed at capturing Russia's Kars province.
On December 22, 1914 a 150,000-strong Turkish military group launched an offensive against the Russian Caucasian Army in the Kars region. Unfortunately for Enver Pasha, the Turkish advance resulted in the disastrous defeat of the Ottoman military forces at the Battle of Sarikamish in January 1915. Russia's victory brought the Turkish dream to stir up the Turkic inhabitants of Russia's southern regions to an end. However, it is only a part of the story. Russo-Turkish relations thawed in the early 1920s after the Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in October (November) 1917. The First World War dealt a heavy blow to the Ottoman Empire leading to the country's partitioning. In April 1920 Turkish national leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha (dubbed later Ataturk) sent an official request to Vladimir Lenin, the head of the Bolshevik Party, asking to establish diplomatic relations between Soviet Russia and Turkey. Needless to say, Lenin met the proposal with enthusiasm — the Soviet government was at the time seeking new geopolitical allies.
The Soviets helped the Turkish state to delineate the borders between Turkey and Armenia and Iran.
In accordance with the Kars Treaty signed on October 13, 1921, between Turkey, Soviet Azerbaijan, Soviet Armenia and Soviet Georgia, Kemal Pasha received the infamous Kars region, Ardagan and Artvin. The treaty was preceded by a similar agreement signed by the Kemalists and Soviet Russia. The Soviet government also provided the Turks with considerable financial aid in gold. In August 1921 General M.V. Frunze assumed the post of a Soviet Ambassador to Turkey and became Ataturk's close military adviser.
In order to support Turkey in its war against "imperialist powers" the young Soviet Russian Republic supplied to the country about 39 000 rifles, 327 heavy machine guns, 54 big cannons, 63 million bullets, 147 000 artillery shells as well as necessary raw materials and powder. Soviet military experts and instructors were deployed to Ankara. However, relations between the states started deteriorating in 1936 during negotiations over the status quo of the Bosporus Straits and the Dardanelles. The Straits were placed back under the control of Turkey. Moscow believed that Ankara would provide it with additional preferences given the close cooperation between the countries during the Turkish War for Independence. Alas, the Soviet government's wishes had not been met.
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk
Indeed, in the late 1930s, after the death of Ataturk, Turkey adopted a new political course and turned to its old ally — Germany. In the 1930s Nazi Germany became Turkey's major trading partner.
On June 18, 1941, after the Second World War began, the German-Turkish Non-Aggression Pact was inked in Ankara by German ambassador to Turkey Franz von Papen and Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sukru Saracoglu. Under an agreement signed in September 1941 Ankara sold Chromite ore, a strategic metal, to Nazi Germany up until 1944. Furthermore, Ankara allowed German warships to cross the Straits under the official guise of commercial vessels during the course of the war.
Although then-Turkish president Ismet Inonu proclaimed a policy of neutrality, a considerable number of Turkish senior nationalist policymakers raised their voices urging Ankara to start "crusade" against the USSR and Bolshevism.
The supporters of the so-called Pan-Turanian movement dreamt of establishing control over Soviet Central Asia and the Volga region inhabited by Turkic population and most notably the rich oilfields of the Caucasus. In a word, nothing had changed much since the First World War. Needless to say, Nazi Germany courted the Turkish Pan-Turanists. Interestingly enough, the Turkish "wish list" included not only the USSR's territories, but also northern Syria, Aleppo and Mosul.
Historians call attention to the fact that according to an additional secret agreement to the Turkish-German non-aggression pact Turkey was expected to enter the war against the USSR when Nazi Germany captured the Soviet strategic city of Stalingrad. In mid-1942 twenty-six Turkish divisions were concentrated on the border with the Soviet Union.
However, the Soviet advance against Nazis dealt a blow to Pan-Turanists' plans. In 1944, Ankara changed its political vector again, and cracked down on Nazi-supporters inside the country. Furthermore, in February 1945 Turkey officially declared war on Nazi Germany, however not taking part in any fighting.
During the Cold War era Ankara continued to pursue anti-Soviet policies. In 1952, Turkey joined NATO and took part in the CIA's clandestine Operation Gladio aimed against the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries. Turkey's Counter-Guerilla forces, including Turkish nationalists Grey Wolves (Bozkurtlar), carried out paramilitary training of the Turkish youths, conducted terror acts against the Kurdish left parties and spread anti-Soviet sentiment. Turkish nationalists proclaimed the creation of Great Turan and the dissolution of the USSR as their primary objective.
After the collapse of the USSR, Turkish nationalists once again attempted to spread their influence over former the Soviet Republics and regions — the Caucasus, the Central Asia, the Volga region and Crimea. As for Ankara's Middle Eastern policies, its ambitious plans predictably include the Iraqi Mosul, where Turkish troops have been recently deployed, and northern Syria.
History clearly shows that Turkey's principal geopolitical agenda has not changed.

Islamism in Kosovo



David L. Phillips Headshot




Albanians have always been intensely pro-American. Kosovars deeply appreciate the US-led NATO intervention in 1999, which put Kosovo on the path to independence. They are grateful to the US for coordinating Kosovo's recognition by the international community. Given the strong affinity between Albanians and the United States, the recent rise of Islamism in Kosovo is deeply troubling.

Approximately 95 percent of Kosovo's two million inhabitants are ethnic Albanians. Of the Albanians, 97 percent are Muslim and 3 percent are Catholic. Kosovo was always a secular state with a liberal Muslim majority.
However, Kosovo's secular character is changing.
"Adhan" -- the Muslim call to prayer -- echoes from loudspeakers atop a forest of minarets in Prishtina, the capitol. During the holy month of Ramadan, cafés are empty until Iftar dinner. There were about 200 mosques after the war in 1999; today there are 800. A new mosque is built every month.
Islam is especially prevalent in conservative rural regions. In towns such as Kaçanik, it is common to see women in veils and burqas, as well as men with untrimmed beards and short calf-length trousers, a trademark of Muslim fundamentalists.
The Muslim Society of Kosovo is well-financed by Turkey and the Gulf States, with an annual budget of 6 million euros. Imams pay stipends to parents, targeting single mothers, so their children adhere to Muslim traditions -- "ahadith."
Many Kosovars have joined the Islamic State in Syria. The Kosovo government acknowledges that 300 Kosovar men and dozens of women have gone to Syria. In fact, the number of volunteers may be much higher. A respected journalist estimates that more than 1,000 Kosovars have joined ISIS.
Kosovars typically celebrated nationalists like Adem Jasheri who fought against Serbian aggression in the 1990s. Today, the Internet has popularized holy warriors like Lavdrim Muhaxheri, an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo who is one of the top ten ISIS commanders in Syria. Muhaxheri used to work at Camp Bondsteel, the US military base in Kosovo, before being radicalized in Afghanistan. His YouTube posting includes a video of Muhaxheri beheading a prisoner.
Capitalizing on Kosovo's weak education system, religious charities from Arabic countries have established a strong presence in Kosovo, offering English and computer lessons - along with instruction in the Qur'an. Radicalization is a regional problem. The network of radicalized Albanians spans not only Kosovo, but Albania, and ethnic Albanian areas in Macedonia and Montenegro.
However, Kosovo provides the most recruits to ISIS as a percentage of the total population of any country. Kosovo youth can take the bus to visa-free Turkey, where they join the jihadi highway of foreign fighters going from Urfa to Raqqa.
Some parents have asked the police to confiscate the passports of their children to stop them from going to Syria, but interdiction has been ineffective. The Kosovo Government has taken some preventative steps, under pressure from Washington.
In late 2014, police closed 14 Arabic NGOs that were suspected of having close ties with radical Islamic groups. In March 2015, parliament outlawed participation in foreign conflicts. While Kosovo police arrested 78 people, including 11 imams, on suspicion of recruiting for Islamic State, detainees were soon released and no charges brought. Overall its efforts have been superficial and ineffective.
There are several reasons for the radicalization of Kosovars. The Government of Kosovo is partly to blame. Kosovo is known for its corrupt governance and dysfunctional politics. Criminality is widespread. Public officials cavort with gangsters, rather than acting as role models.
Kosovo is one of the poorest countries in Europe. Overall unemployment is about 40 percent. You are hardest hit by the stagnant economy. Young people spend hours languishing in coffee shops, with no jobs and little hope for the future.
Europe's discrimination against Albanians compounds the sense of isolation. There is still no visa liberalization for Kosovo passport holders traveling to the EU.
US policies also fuel support for ISIS. The Obama administration pushed Kosovo into signing a disadvantageous agreement with Serbia on April 19, 2013. The agreement has become the source of enormous controversy, even leading to violence in the parliament.
Turkey plays an insidious role, sponsoring the rampant construction of mosques and religious schools, which are breeding grounds for extremism. While expanding its influence, Turkey has gained financially. Kosovo's politicians have sold the Kosovo electricity company to LIMAK, a Turkish company, at a bargain price. The Pristina airport was also leased to LIMAK for a pittance.
Kosovo is in limbo. Religion offers a clear identity and a sense of belonging to Kosovars who feel abandoned by Western countries, and no prospect for the future.
Only 110 countries have recognized Kosovo's independence. Last month, Serbia successfully lobbied to prevent Kosovo from joining UNESCO.
Changing course is the ultimate responsibility of Kosovo's political leaders. Kosovo must initiate reforms and crackdown on corruption to gain greater global recognition, and inspire hope in the younger generation.
In the Balkans, nothing happens unless the US is leading. Washington must recognize the seriousness of extremism and shape a new approach by the international community. The Serbia-Kosovo agreement should be upgraded so that Kosovars derive more benefit. The EU should accelerate Kosovo's integration.
Ignoring Kosovo will accelerate the radicalization of Kosovars. If the US is serious about defeating ISIS, it simply cannot allow Kosovo to become a beachhead for Islamism in Europe.
(Note: A forthcoming article will further examine Turkey's influence).
Mr. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human Rights. He worked on Balkan issues as Senior Adviser to the State Department during the Clinton administration. He also served as a Senior Adviser and Foreign Affairs Experts during the Bush and Obama administrations. He is author of Liberating Kosovo: Coercive Diplomacy and US Intervention.

Monday, December 21, 2015

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu greeted the Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama on Monday morning upon his arrival for a two-day visit to Israel.


The leaders signed on a friendship agreement and a mutual cooperation agreement between Israel and Albania.

Netanyahu noted that while the signing of the agreements marked 25 years of diplomatic ties between the two countries, the friendship between Albania and the Jewish people goes back much farther. During the Holocaust Albania stood by the Jews and refused to turn them over to the Nazis, said Netanyahu.

"We never forget our friends," Netanyahu said, noting that Albania was the only country to have more Jews after World War II than before.

During the Holocaust, Albanians, who are mostly Muslims, had risked their lives to save Jews, including Jews who had fled from other countries. Yad Vashem has so far recognized 73 Albanian Muslims as Righteous among the Nations.

Russian jets could escort Assad on Iran trip: reports


Paper says Moscow proposed sending jets to protect Syrian president and warned coalition against "getting close".

Russian warplanes began bombarding opposition targets in Syria on September 30 [Reuters]
Russia has proposed sending four fighter jets to escort the plane carrying Syrian President Bashar al-Assad when he makes a visit to the Iranian capital, regional media outlets have reported.
Al-Diyar, a Lebanese newspaper close to the regime of Assad, said on Monday that Moscow had alerted the US-led coalition not to "get close to Assad's plane in order to avoid an aerial battle".
It is expected that Assad's plane will fly to Iran through Iraqi airspace, al-Diyar reported.
Iran's official news agency, Fars, said on Friday that Assad was expected to visit Iran in late December or early January. Al-Diyar reported that the exact date would not be disclosed, citing Syrian intelligence sources.
The embattled president in October flew to Moscow for a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, in what was believed to be his first foreign trip since the start of an uprising against him in 2011.
Fars said on Sunday that the scheduled trip would come as the Syrian army secured victories against "terrorist groups". Tehran, an ally of Assad, adopts the Syrian regime's language and labels most opposition groups as terrorists.
Russian jets began bombing Syrian opposition targets in September.

Work in progress: Bosnia 20 years after Dayton

NATO

Twenty years ago I lived in Sarajevo. I was a journalist and had covered the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. I had witnessed the first Serb attacks in 1992 that hit most Bosniaks unaware. I had written about the killings, rapes and deportations carried out by Serb forces to “cleanse” the territories they occupied of Bosniaks and Croats. I had reported on the Croat-Bosniak war within a war, when Croatia under President Tudjman supported the creation of a Bosnian-Croat statelet. I wrote about people who lived under shelling, with only sporadic electricity, who were cold during winter and sometimes had hardly enough to eat. There was tremendous grief when loved ones were killed, but also heroism and belief in a better future.
Sarajevans push and carry sacks of supplies as they across the main Sarajevo cemetary, July 7, 1995. © REUTERS
When on Tuesday afternoon, 21 November 1995, news of a peace agreement reached in Dayton, Ohio, spread through the snow-covered streets of Sarajevo, it put a smile on most faces. “It’s wonderful,” declared 38-year old Dragana Zametica, a dental technician who was out shopping for food. “No more war, no shelling. Bosnia will develop now. Soon I will start receiving a real salary and be able to offer something to my two children." Like most Sarajevans, who had upheld the notion of a unified multi-ethnic country, Ms Zametica found the peace deal “unjust”. It divided Bosnia into two “Entities” – Republika Srpska and the Bosniak-Croat Federation – with a high degree of autonomy.
A few people were outright gloomy. "Nothing has been solved with this agreement,” said Merhudin Dizdarevic, a 46-year soldier making some money as a taxi driver. “I can guarantee you that there will be another war when the NATO troops leave."
President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia (L) shakes the hand of President Franjo Tudjman of Croatia (R) as President Alija Izetbegovic of Bosnia-Herzegovina (C) looks on prior to the initialing of a peace accord at the Hope Hotel inside Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, November 21, 1995. The peace accord ends the 43 month old war in Bosnia which claimed 250,000 lives. © REUTERS
He was wrong, fortunately. NATO did an outstanding job in Bosnia, creating lasting peace. Numbering almost 60,000 at deployment, NATO-led troops oversaw the envisaged separation of forces, transfers of territory, and demilitarisation. Later on they supported refugee return and detained indicted war criminals. No NATO soldier died in a hostile act. When NATO left in 2004, it had reduced its force to 7,000 troops. They were replaced by an EU military mission with currently 600 troops.
Yet other hopes of Bosnians have not been fulfilled.
The downside
Bosnia’s economy has been developing at a snail’s pace. Its GDP per capita is 28 percent of the EU average (in the EU, the poorest country is Bulgaria with 45 percent). Unemployment runs at 28 percent, and the average monthly salary is 425 Euro.
Apart from Kosovo, Bosnia is the only ex-Yugoslav country that has not been able to apply for EU membership. Its NATO membership action plan has been dormant, even though Bosnia’s 2005 Defence Law stipulates NATO accession as a goal.
Politics are divisive and inefficient, with political leaders frequently blocking each other. In recent years, the acrimonious rhetoric and obstruction of State-level institutions by Milorad Dodik, currently the president of Republika Srpska and for many years its prime minister, has poisoned the political process.
Refik Nuhanovic and his wife Zemila load a car trunk with bags of coal from the conveyor of a coal mine in Zivinice near Tuzla February 10, 2014. Under socialist Yugoslavia, Tuzla in northeastern Bosnia was a hub for the metals and chemical industries. Today, the city's industrial zone is a wasteland and home to one in five of Bosnia's 27 percent registered unemployed. © REUTERS
Bosnia is regularly called “dysfunctional”, sometimes even “a failed state”. It is accused of corruption, an expansive bureaucracy and unbridgeable ethnic divisions. My friends in Bosnia are disillusioned and frustrated. In a 2013 survey, half of the respondents chose out of 10 options the word “lethargic” to describe their state of mind. Only 14 percent used positive words such “optimistic” and “content”.
Twenty years ago, I imagined a better future for Bosnia.
The upside
However, I do not think that the situation is as bleak as usually described. Among the West’s interventions, Bosnia stands out as a remarkable success. There is stable peace. Refugees have been able to repossess their apartments and houses, and many have returned to their homes. Among them are those who fled or were expelled because of their ethnic background: one-third of Bosniak and Croat refugees have gone back to Republika Srpska, and the rate of minority return is similar in the Federation. There are high rates after the ethnic cleansing campaigns of the war. There is freedom of movement. Elections take place regularly and fulfil democratic standards.
Yes, there is corruption, but it is not crippling. Despite many levels of government, governance structures are not sprawling – Switzerland with 2,805 parliamentarians has twice as many per capita as Bosnia with 613. There are also no deep ethnic divisions. People from all communities mingle, talk to each other, trade with each other, and in many places still live with each other.
New biometric passports introduced for the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina between 2009 and 2010. © REUTERS
On some issues, Bosnia’s leaders have achieved amazing successes. Between 2009 and 2010, they put aside all differences and fulfilled a demanding set of EU conditions to qualify for visa-free travel with the EU’s Schengen zone. They introduced new biometric passports, improved border control, set up an asylum system, stepped up the fight against organised crime and corruption, and established close cooperation with the EU on security issues.
Another major achievement has been the creation, with NATO’s help, of Joint Armed Forces - a small professional army of 10,000 soldiers and 5,000 reservists under a single unified chain of command with a Joint Staff and two commands (operational and support). The Armed Forces replaced the three war-time armies, which totalled more than 400,000 troops at the end of the war. In 2006, Bosnia joined the Partnership for Peace programme. Bosnia’s Armed Forces have contributed military personnel to NATO’s ISAF mission in Afghanistan and Operation Enduring Freedom in Iraq, as well as many UN peacekeeping missions such as South Sudan, Liberia, Cyprus and Congo.
A country in many transitions
Things have not been easy for Bosnians. They have been undergoing a shock transition from peace to war to peace again, from a planned economy to a market economy, from a socialist one-party system to a democracy. Many people still long for Yugoslavia, which offered decent living standards, freedom to travel, and cushy jobs. Unlike countries in eastern Europe, Bosnia did not want to get rid of socialism – it lost it. Many people do not identify with the current state. It is a compromise, not what they or their parents fought for in the 1990s, and it does not deliver what they expect.
The international community has often complicated things, due to opposing views on what needs to be done. Some advocate an imposition of a Dayton II – a new state structure – or at least forcing the Bosnians to change the Dayton constitution. This usually comes with calls to re-establish a powerful “High Representative”. This position was created under Dayton to implement the civilian parts of the peace accords and later endowed with extensive powers. Between 1998 and 2005, successive High Representatives dismissed hundreds of public officials and imposed many important laws – not really an exercise in democratic decision-making.
Many people still long for Yugoslavia, which offered decent living standards, freedom to travel, and cushy jobs. Unlike countries in eastern Europe, Bosnia did not want to get rid of socialism – it lost it
Others, including myself, believe that change has to come from within to ensure ownership, but also because the enforcement of a new state organisation would take years and require resources that nobody is willing to commit. The path to EU membership provides enough orientation to gradually turn Bosnia into a functioning country. What makes any structure work or leads to its change is political will.
The challenge of conditionality
Conditionality has also not always been applied to Bosnia’s benefit. In 2009, a ruling by the European Court of Human Rights demanded a re-organisation of the tri-partite Presidency and the upper parliament, both of which are composed of equal numbers of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats. The aim was to ensure that “Others” – all those that do not define themselves as members of one of these three communities – can serve in these institutions without having to declare affiliation to one of the three groups. The EU made this a condition for accepting a membership application from Bosnia. As a result, this became the main point on the political agenda. Close to 200 meetings were held and other important issues, such as the economy, were neglected. Last year, the EU wisely decided to decouple this demand from the membership application.
NATO’s condition for putting the NATO membership action plan (MAP) into force also appears increasingly misguided. It is the official registration of 63 immovable defence properties, mainly barracks and buildings used by the Ministry of Defence. Some of them were not registered at all during socialist times, or are still registered in the name of late Yugoslavia.
This issue has been lingering since a 2001 Agreement on Succession Issues between the successor states to former Yugoslavia. It has not been resolved due to disagreement whether ownership belongs to the Entities or the State. In 2010, NATO foreign ministers set the condition that Bosnia would join the MAP only when all immovable defence properties are registered as state property of Bosnia, for use by Bosnia’s Ministry of Defence.
Dr. Dragan Covic, Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the bilateral meeting
with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. © NATO
Today, more than five years later, the defence property issue has still not been resolved, and Bosnia still has no MAP, while Russia has stepped up interference in the Western Balkans, trying to prevent the countries from Euro-Atlantic integration. Has the registration issue been worth this delay? I do not think so.
The registration is held up by Republika Srpska where support for NATO membership is low anyway. According to a 2012 survey, support across Bosnia is 65 percent, but it is only 38 per cent in Republika Srpska, and 82 per cent in the Federation.
Thanks to a 2012 ruling by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia, which has allocated ownership of state property to the State, there has been recent progress. Using this ruling, the Defence Ministry has been able, through lengthy legal procedures, to register 23 of 63 defence properties. However, the completion of the process is not yet a done deal. Republika Srpska has appealed against it to the State Court, claiming the property on its territory for itself. Unless the court dismisses the appeal and the registration process continues, NATO Allies should try to find a way to activate the MAP without the registration of all the defence properties.
This year, there has also been progress on the EU path. In July 2015, all levels of government adopted a comprehensive economic and social Reform Agenda. Implementation of this agenda has begun. If it continues, the EU has promised to accept a membership application from Bosnia. This would put it firmly on the EU accession path and intensify interaction with EU institutions.
It is not the first time Bosnia is making progress. In the past, it has always stagnated again, usually because of its own doing, but sometimes also due to unreasonable demands of the international community. However, there will be a time when it will continue to move forward, and it could be now.

Αλβανικο σχέδιο εθνοκάθαρσης στη Χειμάρρα,,,,, λειτουργεί στην πράξη




 
SManalysis

Σύμφωνα με μια έρευνα από το "SManalysis», η κυβέρνηση εφάρμοσε ένα σχέδιο "με βάση τους νόμους, με τις ψήφους του Κοινοβουλίου" στην οποία θα ευνοήσει όχι μόνο τους ολιγάρχες, αλλά και άλλα τμήματα του πληθυσμού μουσουλμάνοι Αλβανοί, παρέχεται με την ιδιοκτησία στη Χειμάρρα περιοχή.

Σύμφωνα με πηγές, αυτό είναι μέρος της αλβανικής εθνικής στρατηγικής, για να ξεκινήσει η "ντε φάκτο" την εθνοκάθαρση του πληθυσμού της Χιμάρας.

το αλβανικό κράτος (τα κύρια πολιτικά κόμματα, ιδιαίτερα, η κυβέρνηση και η αντιπολίτευση) έληξε ένα νομικό σχέδιο, το οποίο συνίστατο σε νομική υποστήριξη, για να ανοίξει το δρόμο ελεύθερο σε δράση ..

1. Άλλαξε το Σύνταγμα, με την προσχώρησή της Χιμάρας με Vranishta, Ιούλιος του 2014 ..
2.
Ενέκρινε το νόμο για τον Τουρισμό, Οκτ 2015, στην οποία, λαμβάνονται τα δείγματα εδάφους της Χειμάρρας και να περάσει στο αλβανικό κράτος. Οι ολιγάρχες θα πάρνουν της γης στο παραθαλάσσιο αξίας 1 ευρώ.
3. Εγκρίθηκε το νόμο περί ιδιοκτησίας, Δεκέμβριος 2015, κατά την οποία οι πρώην ιδιοκτήτες θα αποζημιωθούν με το παράκτιο ιδιοκτησίας
(και στην Χιμάρα)

Στην υπηρεσία των Αλβανών ολιγάρχες, οι οποίοι θέλουν να ληστέψουν της γης της Χιμάρας, με 1 ευρώ, το αλβανικό κράτος, οι κρατικές υπηρεσίες τεθούν σε βοήθεια.
Νόμος που εγκρίθηκε για το ακίνητο, πριν από λίγες ημέρες, τήρησης του νόμου 7501, θα αποζημιώσει χιλιάδες πρώην ιδιοκτήτες, σε εδάφη που απήχθησαν στη Χειμάρρα από το αλβανικό κράτος. .
Με αυτό το σχέδιο, οι Αλβανοί ολιγαρχία, θα απαιτήσει περισσότερο αλβανική κάτοικος, να εξυπηρετούν και να προστατεύουν τις επενδύσεις τους.

Με αυτό το σχέδιο, θα παρέχονται επίσης διαμερίσματα κτίρια, να φέρει χιλιάδες Αλβανοί κάτοικοι μεταφέρουν συλλόγους, κυρίως μουσουλμανική.
Ο νέος Δήμος Χειμάρρας, είναι εξ ολοκλήρου στην υπηρεσία της εθνικής κάθαρσης σχέδιο των Τιράνων, με τα έργα τους για την προσάρτηση των εδαφών, προς όφελος της ολιγαρχίας Αλβανών.

«Task Force» οργανισμούς
, εξαρτώνται άμεσα από τον πρωθυπουργό της Αλβανίας, Έντι Ράμα, και τον Επίτροπο του Νότου, Koco Kokedhima. Ο οργανισμός αυτός, επιστρέφει με δύναμη τους πολίτες της Χιμάρας εδάφη, που λαμβάνεται με τις δικαστικές αποφάσεις και θέσεις σε λειτουργία στο 1 ευρώ, για ολιγάρχες.

Αλβανικής αστυνομία, στην υπηρεσία των ολιγαρχών και των κατασκευών τους, η οποία δεν εμποδίζει, αλλά προστατεύει, ρίχνουν μπετόν καθημερινά. Κανένας από τους κατοίκους της Χιμάρας, δεν
χτίζει, αντίθετα, οδηγεί την αστυνομία για τη δίωξη
Ακίνητα Γραφεία,, χρησιμεύει μόνο για τους ολιγάρχες, με τις παραγγελίες από τα Τίρανα. Το γραφείο αυτό δεν ενεργεί για τους κατοίκους της Χιμάρας, μόνο όταν έχουν συμφέροντα και συνεργασία από τους ολιγάρχες.

Οι εισαγγελείς και τα δικαστήρια, είναι βαθιά ενάντια σε οποιαδήποτε διαδικασία για τους κατοίκους από την Χειμάρρα. Δικαστικές διαδικασίες και έρευνες από τον εισαγγελέα, να υπερβαίνουν τις συστάσεις από τα Τίρανα, με τις παραγγελίες να ευνοούν την αλβανική ολιγαρχία.
Εκτός από αυτές τις δράσεις από το Κοινοβούλιο της Αλβανίας, στην πράξη, θα συνοδευτεί με την οικοδόμηση ταχύτητα 5 τουριστικά χωριά.

Η περιοχή της Χιμάρας, είναι χωρισμένος σε διάφορα συντονιστές, το πιο σημαντικό είναι οι ολιγάρχες
(Samir Mane, Αrtan Dulaku Piro Carapuli Fatmir Merkaj) (μετά από την διαμονή τους, κορυφαίους πολιτικούς της Πολιτείας).

ΟΑΣΕ και η ΕΕ, δεν παρέχει καμία εξήγηση για τον αποκλεισμό της διαδικασίας o καταγραφής των τίτλων ιδιοκτησίας στη Χειμάρρα περιοχή ,,2011, ωστόσο, δεν μπορεί να συνεχίσει αυτή τη διαδικασία μέχρις, το Κοινοβούλιο της Αλβανίας, να αποφασίζαι, με νόμο το δικαίωμα, το οποίο βασίζεται στο Σύνταγμα και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα.

Κατά τη διάρκεια 3μήνες, η αλβανική Επιχείρηση Ηλεκτρισμού (KESH) άφησε σχεδόν κομμένο ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας στη Χειμάρρα περιοχή, έτσι ώστε οι άνθρωποι δεν μπορούν να ενημερωθούν, να φοβούνται ή να φύγουν από τη χώρα τους, Χιμάρα.

Στη βάση αυτών των νομικών και πρακτικών δράσεων, είναι σαφές ότι κατά Χειμάρρα, είναι η λειτουργία της εθνικής καθαρίστικής
 σχέδιο, το οποίο υλοποιείται από το αλβανικό κράτος νομοθετικές δομές.

"Η Ελλάδα πρέπει επειγόντως να εμποδίσει, κάθε κίνηση της αλβανικής κυβέρνησης, η οποία παραβιάζει το συνταγματικό δικαίωμα των πολιτών, Ελληνικής υπηκοότητας, στην περιοχή της Χειμάρρας, δεν αρκεί για να μπλοκάρει τη διαδικασία ένταξης της Αλβανίας στην ΕΕ, αλλά με τα γεγονότα και στην πράξη, η κατάσταση είναι ανησυχητική, γεγονός που αποδεικνύεται για να ανοίξει μια διαδικασία «εθνοκάθαρσης» εναντίον του λαού της Χιμάρας".